Unveiling the Facade: Islamic Political Communalism camouflaged as an Ideological (LDF, UDF) view and Social Justice for Muslims

It all started with Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the Founding Father of the Muslim League worldwide and the Father of Pakistan. Instrumental in negotiating the creation of a separate Muslim state within British India, Jinnah's shrewdness transcended time and space. During and after the independence struggle, Jinnah was Jawaharlal Nehru's main political opponent. Today, Jinnah's party holds sway in Pakistan and is making inroads, camouflaged as LDF (INL) and UDF (IUML), into Indian cities. In contrast, Nehru's party, which has no equivalent in Pakistan, is slowly but steadily disintegrating in Bharat, a country his three generations ruled unopposed and unhindered. Invariably, the Prime Minister of the largest democracy came from one family.

 

You may call it nepotism, people's trust, or the failure of opposing views. The Nehrus ruled the country without any major opponents. However, today the scene has changed. Nehru's Congress has dwindled, people regularly reject his grandchildren, who are now seeking the help of the Muslim Leagues and the communists (their past enemies) to survive the Nationalist Tea seller. One of their ministers even went to the extent of equating the Congress party with the Muslim identity and vice versa. Such is the situation that the Nehru grandson does not know whether he will even win his seat in a Hindu stronghold in North India. You can call it the fall of an arrogant dynasty, people losing trust in the Nehru family, or the Tea Seller's exposé of the Congress's reality.

 

Regardless, people perceive Congress to be no longer Indian or Nationalist. At best, they are a tool for the Muslim (not even Christian) minority to fight for their social justice in a Hindu-majority country. In the Nehru versus Jinnah tug-of-war, Jinnah seems to have prevailed both here in India and there in Pakistan. His communal political party now camouflages as the Indian National Congress (UDF) and also as the Marxist Left (LDF) in many places of Kerala, where the Hindu voters are unaware that they are voting for the same kind of people who are being prepared in Pakistan to slaughter them. The camouflage is so intense that, unless someone unveils it, the average Hindu or Christian voter has no idea of how they are being manipulated to vote for an ideology that opposes and questions their country's –Bharat’s– very existence.

 

The Muslim League of Jinnah had a twofold purpose: Kheriyat (Welfare) or Shariyat (Dominance) of the Islamic people. It never promised to offer anything to Hindus or Christians, not even equal rights. At the bottom, all the Muslim leagues still carry the same dream of a Muslim land ruled by Islamic Kings, subjecting and subduing all other people groups under their feet. In Pakistan, they have achieved their vision almost 100%. The 14-15 percent Hindu community in Pakistan in 1947 has dwindled to 1-2 percent, or even less, by 2020. The Pakistani Hindus and Christians were and are being treated worse than slaves. Their houses and dignity are regularly looted by the Muslim majority, who also enjoy majority rights and a distinct edge in how the law is interpreted.

 

However, in Bharat, the Muslim Leagues work for the social welfare of the Muslim minority. They have produced many ministers. And, they regularly manipulate both the UDF and LDF to field INL and IUML candidates respectively, in areas where Muslims form 30-40%, to ensure that only their candidates make it to the assembly. Then, they pressure the ruling fronts to secure significant ministries, such as finance and education. Their hypocrisy has now broken all bounds and reached the point where, in some constituencies, the candidate is reduced to a party puppet. The communal angle is so intense that they don't even use the coalition flags in rallies. Instead, they proudly wave their Muslim League flags overflowing with Pakistani connotations. It is no longer about justice or the welfare of their society. Now, it is about dominating the other first, Christians, and then, Hindus.

 

Let us first examine the current political trend through the lens of the other, a smaller minority (15-16 percent) in Kerala. The Christians. Though smaller and more vulnerable, the Christians never formed a Christian league that specifically addressed their issues, nor did they dream of a Christian conquest of Kerala. Traditionally, Christian voters aligned with the UDF, which gave their people key leadership roles. However, now, like Muslims, Christians have an influence in the LDF and even in the NDA. Even so, they still do not consider it necessary to form a Christian alliance, whose contestants, having a Christ-specific agenda, could lead cities as MLAs or MPs. It shows how one particular minority community is eager to gain power and influence over key institutions and structures in Kerala. Their underlying aim –Islamic state– is very different from the Christian Kingdom of God, a future Kingdom with Jesus as King after his return.

 

After the rise of the Sangh in the North, both Christians and Muslims perceive them as hostile to their agenda. However, unlike Christians, whose main concern is the freedom to practice and propagate their religion, the communal Islamic parties consider the Sangh as a bone in their Biriyani. The Biriyani is the intent to form Shariat-ruled dictatorships in targeted areas at the fringes of our country, particularly Kerala, Bengal, and Kashmir. Wiser Christians are making friends and trying to end hostilities and misunderstandings with their Hindu neighbors. Whereas, the communal Muslims are busy pushing them to believe that Hindutva would remove their religious identity and eventually, they would be forced to assimilate with the predominantly Hindu society.

 

To many Christians, it seems logical, and they overlook the underlying political ambitions of Muslims in states like Kerala that hold a significant Muslim-Christian minority. Even so, informed Christians, who know what Islam did to their kind throughout history and in every country, and is doing even now, take this logic with a pinch of salt. Hindus seem much less hostile than the Boko Haramis, Fulanis, and even Pakistanis and Iranians. In Kerala, as with Hindu prestige, Christian influence is also declining, particularly in politics. Muslims are emerging as better negotiators and winning key positions in the government, both as Congress-Communist and Muslim League candidates. To an average Hindu-Christian voter, who is okay with Marx or Gandhi, the growth of a Muslim leader from the communal Muslim Leagues is more alarming than a Muslim leader from the INC or CPIM.

 

For example, election after election in South Kozhikode, Hindus and Christians are led by their Nehruvian Congress or Marxian Communist leaders to vote for Jinnah's Islamic State ideology like sheep led to slaughterhouses. These voters are unaware that the underlying motto of the Muslim Leagues (INL or IUML) is to dominate their children and create a Shariyat state that has nothing to do with Gandhi or Marx. They are not voting for an INC UDF or a CPIM LDF. Instead, they are blackmailed by their respective fronts, the LDF or the UDF, blinded by the desire to win elections, and tricked by their political leaders into voting for a Muhammadan Shariat League candidate. These Hindus hardly notice the Jinnah link unless someone points it out. This is classic votebank politics.

 

There are two competing – right and left – ideologies, but neither is even represented. The ideology on the ballot paper is that of a communal Muslim League. The voter is eager to win for his left or right-wing faction, but in reality, he elects a Pseudo-left or Pseudo-right Jinnah League. It is unfair, and does not justly reflect the real voice of the sixty percent Hindu voters: right or left. In Kozhikode South, Nehru (INC) has no candidate. Marx (CPIM) has no candidate. The Muslim League of Jinnah has two candidates: one from the LDF (INL) and the other from the UDF (IUML). Islamic Communal Politicians are fooling people. They betray our nation into the hands of Shabaz Sharif's Muslim League's ISI-sponsored terror network. Why should our Indian soldiers die to safeguard the Muslim League's double game: yaahan (In India) bhi aur vahan (In Pakistan) bhi?

 

The narrative is stark: Pakistan’s Muslim League prepares terrorists and sends them to India to kill our people. The naive Hindu voter thinks that Jinnah’s Muslim leagues (INL left or IUML right) of the Indi-Alliance will safeguard his life and family from the Pakistani Muslim League terrorists. The only purpose of the Muslim league here and there is Shariat (Dominance) or Kheriat (Safety) of the Islamic community. Back in Pakistan, they give no minority rights to the Hindu communities. However, here in Hindustan, they claim minority rights for their community. Besides, if they win a minister’s or MLA’s post in Keralam, it is icing on the cake. The irony is that Jinnah’s Muslim League has convinced both Nehru’s UDF and Marx’s LDF to field Jinnah’s League candidates.

 

In sum, Jinnah's legacy of communal politics, exemplified by the Muslim League's demand for a separate Muslim state, continues to influence modern Indian politics. Jinnah's party maintains power in Pakistan and now enters India, disguised as the LDF (INL) and the UDF (IUML). In contrast, Nehru's party, once dominant in India, is now losing ground, highlighting a perceived ideological shift and decline. Nehru's Congress is now reduced to serving minority interests, particularly those aligned with Muslim League agendas, and hardly represents Indian nationalism. The voters are often unaware they are supporting parties allegedly promoting communal, not national, interests through new political disguises, particularly via the UDF and LDF in Kerala. In such a scenario, Hindus must act swiftly and shrewdly to curb Jinnah’s influence in Bharat and choose Modiji’s vision of development with peace and inclusivity, without tolerating corruption, terrorism, or drug abuse.

Comments

  1. Abstract:

    This essay examines how Islamic Political Communalism, while presented in India as support for ideological fronts like LDF and UDF and as a vehicle for Muslim social justice, operates beneath a facade. The central claim is that these ideological alignments mask communal ambitions and influence voting behavior. The main argument is that while voters believe they are supporting distinct ideologies (right or left), both choices present candidates affiliated with a communal Muslim League party. This means the actual ideological difference is erased, and voters are unwittingly supporting the same communal interest, which the text frames as a betrayal of the majority's voice. Jinnah’s Muslim League aimed for both welfare and dominance of the Islamic people and did not promise equality for Hindus or Christians.

    Today, the same Muslim League vision persists: a Muslim-ruled land, others subdued. In Pakistan, this vision is nearly realized—minority populations have dwindled and face ongoing persecution, while the Muslim majority enjoys legal advantages. In Bharat, Muslim Leagues focus on minority welfare, obtaining ministerial posts, and influencing major alliances. They ensure representation in areas with significant Muslim populations and seek control over key ministries. The communal agenda is visible—coalition flags are set aside in favor of Muslim League symbols. This shift signals a change from advocacy to dominance, not just over Hindus but also Christians.

    Examining Kerala’s Christian minority reveals a contrast: Christians, although influential, have not formed religious-specific political parties. Traditionally allied with UDF, they now influence other alliances as well. Despite their participation, they do not pursue a partisan, faith-based agenda. This highlights a difference in approach compared to Muslim communal efforts, whose goals center on increased power and structures, distinct from Christian spiritual aspirations. The narrative is stark: Pakistan’s Muslim League orchestrates aggression toward India, yet some Indian voters believe that the Muslim Leagues (INL or IUML) within Indian alliances can protect them. The core aim of these leagues remains Shariat or Kheriat for the Islamic community. While Pakistan denies minority rights to Hindus, Indian Muslim Leagues assert such rights for themselves.

    The irony is that both UDF and LDF now endorse Jinnah’s League candidates. Winning government positions in Kerala only strengthens their influence. Although there are right and left-wing ideologies, neither is fairly represented. Instead, the ballot features only communal Muslim League candidates. Voters eager to support their faction unknowingly enable a Jinnah League candidate. In Kozhikode South, there are only two candidates from the Muslim League—one each from the LDF (INL) and the UDF (IUML); there are no INC or CPI (M) candidates. These political maneuvers raise questions about national allegiance and security. In such a scenario, Hindus must act swiftly and shrewdly to curb Jinnah’s influence in Bharat and choose Modiji’s vision of development with peace and inclusivity, without tolerating corruption, terrorism, or drug abuse.

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